[A] : Article, [RN] : Research Note, [PR] : Preliminary Report of Excavation, [BR] : Book Review
This paper attempts to reconstruct the subsistence-settlement system of Jomon period Kyushu by investigating theinter-site variability of polished stone axes and adzes. The data are collected from the entire Kyushu region except the surrounding islands. The materials from the Early through the Final Jomon period are examined. The size, blade shape, butt shape and the use mark on the blade edge of polished stone axes and adzes are studied.
The following results have been obtained: (1) The inter-site variability of polished stone axes and adzes throughout the latter half of the Jomon period in the Kyushu region appears to reflect different adaptive strategies especially in terms of the usage of forest resources. (2) The variability of polished stone axes and adzes on the coastal area was wider than the inland area during the Early Jomon period. The variability of the polished stone axe and adze assemblage of the inland became increasingly significant from the later phase of the Middle Jomon period. This phenomenon indicates the gradual rise of sedentism in the inland area. (3) The occupation of the inland appears to have been accelerated by technological innovations in the use of wood resources.
The settlement expansion to the inland area would have resulted from population increase and the climate change, the latter began during the later phase of the Early Jomon period. These changes would have encouraged the use of forest resources, and the trend began accelerated during the later phase of the Middle Jomon period. The diffusion of the techno-complex of the Eastern Japanese origin would also have stimulated the technological innovations of the Late Jomon period of the region.
We can see extensive changes in the cultural diffusion from the southern part of the Korean peninsula to the Japanese archipelago. These changes are seen not only in instruments such as pottery and stone implements, but also in subsistence and burial customs in the Japanese archipelago at the beginning of Yayoi period. At that time a homogeneous pottery style called Ongagawa type spread to the west of Japan. In recent years, reexamination of Ongagawa type pottery has advanced and research has determined a regionality of this pottery. Most researchers supposed the influence of Korean Mumun pottery culture fades according to a geographical slope going east from Kyushu. However, recent research indicated that not only the geographical slope but also the local cultural influences continuing from the Jomon period are related to the regionality. The geographical slope and local cultural influence has surely helped us understand the imbalances between east and west and the regionality of western Japan, but it is still difficult to explain the diversity of a burial system, and the enormous change.
In this paper, I studied polished stone swords, polished stone arrowheads, new style jars and jasper tubular beads which are originated from southern Korean peninsula, and appear as burial items at the beginning of the Yayoi period. While examining the aspect of acceptance for burial items in western Japan, I aimed at clarifying: l) the regional differences in the process of accepting burial items, 2) and the relationship between the extension of pottery style and burial systems. I also examined the regionality of burial items in the Korean peninsula, considering the possibility that deployment of each of the burial items indicates a direct exchange with the Korean peninsula.
It is concluded that each area of western Japan accepted the culture from southern Korean peninsula by each means at the beginning of the Yayoi period. The potterry style represented by Ongagawa type was surely diffused from northern Kyushu of western Japan. However, many aspects of these influences are more multistory and complex. After the agrarian society centering on wet-field rice agriculture began to be formed, each region of people chose to accept the culture of the southern Korean peninsula.
And, although the people in Northern Kyushu have not accepted weapons such as stone daggers and stone ar-rowheads in their burials, the customs of burial items in burial pits began to be common from the early stage of the Yayoi period. On the contrary, in the Sanin district, not only tubular ornamental beads were received actively as burial items, but also the making of beads and trade of bead material was developed. From these findings, I concluded that the regionality formed at the beginning of the Yayoi period was the basis for local deployment and imbalance of the east and west in the number of burial items in the Yayoi society. Secondly, there is a change in the diffusion of bronze-ware at the end of the early Yayoi period, which emphasizes the imbalances between east and west and the regionality of western Japan.
Footed cooking pots of Eastern Japan are thought to have been invented in the Isewan region, specifically in Owari province, during the Middle Yayoi period . In this region, various types of footed cooking pots flourished in Late Yayoi period and some of these types disseminated eastward along the coast of the Pacific Ocean. This article aims to discover the forming techniques of these footed cooking pots and explain the technical relationships among these pots. The problems discussed in this article are the temporal changes of the forming techniques and their causes, the spatial distribution of some of the forming techniques in Isewan region and eastward, and the relationships between the forming techniques of cooking pots and pottery of other forms, Iike footed jars and pedestal dishes.
Here, three forming techniques are identified among the pots excavated in Owari province, two of which are characterized by a drying stage during the forming of the foot and the body. These two techniques are shown to have been transmitted to this area with the introduction of a new type of pedestal dish from western Japan. One of these new techniques, "betsuzukurikumiawase" technique involved adhering the foot and body of a pot that were formed separately. The other "sokumentsumiage" is to build the body from the uppermost side of the foot.
Investigation of the distribution of these two techniques shows that while betsuzukurikumiawase has specific temporal and spatial characteristics, sokumentsumiage is universal. Betsuzukurikumiawase can only be observed in Owari province and the neighboring areas at the beginning of Late Yayoi period. And it is also proved that a certain type of pot that was widely seen in the Isewan region has an identical forming technique in each province, which is classified into sokumentsumiage. From these distributions, the introductions of new forming techniques of cooking pots in the Isewan region and the spread of these techniques are clearly evidenced.
Since the forming techniques are slow to change and difficult to imitate, these distributions must reflect the interactions among the pottery manufacturers in the neighboring area. But it is also argued that to interpret these interactions further, the understanding of the system of pottery manufacture in each community is essential.
A "Pit building (tateana tatemono)"is a semi-basement building, constructed by digging a pit in the ground and utilizing the space. The majority of such buildings have sides of between 2 and 6 meters, but some are reported to ex-ceed ten meters. Many of them appeared after the latter half of the 1 2th century, and reports are made throughout the medieval. On the other hand, a pit dwelling existed in the Japanese Islands since the Jomon period. However, after continuing through the Yayoi and Kofun periods, they seem to have been abandoned in West Japan around the 7 th century and in East Japan around the lOth century. Therefore, it is difficult to assume a direct lineal relationship with the medieval pit building. Nevertheless, there are a few reports of pit building in I Ith century in the northern Tohoku region and Hakata, so the lineage with the pit dwelling should be discussed in the future.
Pit buildings have been widely recognized since examples were reported from Kamakura sites in 1982, and they began to be reported nationally in Japan. The majority of pit buildings in various places in the country had a structure of posts supporting a roof, so called chuketsudachi structure. On the other hand, the majority in Kamakura sites had a structure in which corner and center posts were set on a base of square lumbers placed at the bottom of the pit to create an inner space.
In this article, the basic structures of these buildings were classified in order to point out the differences between the two. And by doing so, it was proposed that the building structure of the Kamakura sites was characteristic among the Japanese Islands. Also views were given on space utilization of the city based on dating and rebuilding by detailed examination of the building structures.
For the dating of pit buildings in Kamakura, there hasn't been any direct research up to the present. The author examined overlapped features of pit buildings to find the chronological relationship. The latest feature found was set as the bottom dating, and the transition of the bit buildings within the archaeological features was followed. As a result, it is estimated that pit buildings emerged in Kamakura in the second quarter of the 13th century and the bottom dating was assumed as the 15th century.
The overlays of pit building features did not show much move in rebuilding and reconstruction took place repeatedly in the same spot. The boundary of such structures was assumed as a"lot." It used to be considered that lots did not exist in "seaside" are of Kamakura, but our examination indicated the possibilities of such existence. This lot is evidence of land regulation in medieval cites, and it is assumed to be under the city system. This issue should be developed to the discussion of city and city structures in the future.
An Early Kofun period mounded tomb in which layers of clay were surrounding a coffin, was found in Higashisakata, Habikino City, Osaka Prefecture. The mound is about 50 meters long, and has a keyhole-shape with quadrangular rear. All of the 3 . 7 meters of the burial mound was filled on a medium terrace, and the burial pit was formed during the process of the fill. The burial facility was in the rear, where an assembled wooden coffin covered by clay was found.
From excavated funeral equipment, it is considered that the mounded tomb was constructed between the middle to late Early Kofun Period. The mounded tomb preceded Furuichi mounded tombs where kings of Kawachi region were buried, and the nature of the person buried is detected by excavated funerary artifacts which consisted of an imported Sankakuen-shinjukyo mirror, two cylindrical bronze implements, 54 bronze arrowheads, and 126 iron arrowheads.
Gokurakuji Hibiki site is located in eastern foot of Kongozan Mountains in the southwestern part of the Nara Basin. Archaeological excavations on the surrounding area revealed villages of the Middle to Late Kofun periods including a studio, warehouses, a large building, and so on. Also, about three kilometers to the northeast, there is Miyayama mounded tomb, the largest keyhole-shaped mounded tomb in south Katsuragi area, and the area is regarded highly as it is assumed to have a deep relationship with documents related to the Katsuragi clan.
In fiscal 2004, during an excavation due to the organization of prefecture operated farm, features such as a ditched lot and a large pillared building of former half of the Middle Kofun period were recognized.
The large pillared building is located on the west side of the excavated lot. The core of the building is 2 x 2 ken (one ken is about I . 82 meters), the four sides have rims of 5 x 5 ken, and there were fences on two sides in the west and south as long as 6 ken. Plank type pillars were used in the core. This building was surrounded by a pillared wall of about 25 meters north to south, and about 50 meters east to west that was parallel to the fence. These facilities were divided by a moat. The moat was considered to be about 13 meters wide and 2 meters deep. Its slope was paved with stones. It is assumed that a bank was crossed to go in and out of this lot. The bank, which can be confirmed under the present condition, is about 8 meters in width and about 12 meters in length, fanning out to the south.
A small amount of artifacts were yielded from inside the moat, especially around where the crossing bank was installed. As for pottery, there were more Haji ware compared to Sue ware; bowls with a pedestal used for serving were conspicuous. Also, whereas Sue wares were excavated from mud buried in the moat, pottery excavated from the crossing bank and raised ground in the western side of the researched area consisted mainly of pedestaled bowls of Haji ware. Sue wares were not included.
It is unlikely to think that the lot including the large building was used for everyday life for not many artifacts were found and the main pottery excavated was bowls with pedestals. Also, there are few examples of using plank pillars in the core part. This is an important result in order to consider the structure and nature of the building. Thus, it is considered that the lot with the large building was a facility of a public nature where rituals and state affairs were conducted, rather than a general living space. This site is extremely significant in understanding a powerful clan in the Katsuragi region.
Medieval Otomo castle town site is a medieval city which was then called Funai, Iocated on a natural embankment on the left bank of Oita River flowing into Beppu Bay at the western end of the Seto Inland Sea. In recent years, a large-scale excavation research has been conducted on this "Funai,"due to developmental projects around Oita Station. It was reported that as a result of excavation research, things are getting better known for "Funai,"that were previously only known from documents and reconstructions based on old drawings, as well as city structure and its transition and nature.
On the excavation research, chronological work was conducted on Haji type pottery excavated from "Funai"in order to set an archaeological timeline. Consequently, a rough chronology was drawn for about 300 years from the beginning of the 14th century to the end of the 16th century, and it became possible to grasp parallel relationships of archaeological features in different parts of Funai.
Also on an old drawing, there existed four streets running through Funai from south to north. These streets were named from the east as first south-north street, second south-north street, and so on, and excavation research was conducted on them. As it is suggested by names such as Kamiimachi , Shimoimachi, and Takumizamachi, excavation research at the first south-north street confirmed rectangle lots along the street, and it was proved that the area was inhabited by merchants and craftsmen. The second south-north street is the main street as it runs through "Funai along Otomo Palace and Manju Temple. Documents remain on the plans of eastern site of Otomo Palace and western side of Manju Temple, along the street. On excavation research, not only the town plan became clear, but it also revealed the formation process. The fourth south-north street is in the western side of "Funai." One location along the street was noted as Zeus Chapel in the old drawing, and it was assumed as a Christian institution. As a result of excavation research, 13 graves were found including ones for a child and Christian, and there is a strong possibility that the site is south part of the grave reported by missionaries.
Large amounts of imported ceramics were excavated from "Funai." Especially from archaeological features at Yokokojimachi that links the first and second south-north street, imported ceramics were intensively excavated, not only imported from China and Korea, but also from southeast Asian countries such as Thailand, Myanmar, and Vietnam. It is pointed out the existence of a person directly related to southern China.
Excavation of medallions was mentioned as an artifact related to activities of Christians. It is highly possible that the medallion of Veronica was manufactured with weights at a building constructed on foundation stones excavated from near the intersection between the second south-north street and Myogakoji street.
Thus, "Funai in the latter half of the 16th century existed as a unique medieval city. The remaining historical data is varied among old drawings, documents, and reports from missionaries, and the new addition of archaeological data makes it possible to draw even more multi-dimensional picture of "Funai.
This review focuses on how effectively ethnographic data can contribute to the interpretation of archaeological data. Based on cultural ecology, this book can be said as a good example of authentic ethnoarchaeology in that its research fields were selected based on the relevance to its target archaeological data ( i.e., settlement and subsistence systems of Jomon hunter-gatherers), and that ethnographic models are constructed through a series of comparative studies of many ethnic groups in various environments in both macro and micro levels. As a result, this book presents not only cross-cultural regularities (law-like hypotheses) in subsistence-settlement systems, but also factors which produced variations in them. These models can contribute to the reconstruction of unknown subsistence-settlement systems of Jomon hunter-gatherers as well as to the interpretation of temporal changes and spatial variations of archaeological data.
This book is an ambitious piece of work to approach structures of Jomon society through the study of the Jomon period villages, especially circular villages. This book consists of ten chapters divided into four parts: introduction, structure theory, ecological theory, and social evolution theory. In the Part I, Introduction, Chapter I cleared points at the issue of circular village study, then Chapter 2 discussed issues of Jomon village study since the 1980's in different fields.
Part II, Structure Theory, consists of three chapters. Chapter I discusses characteristics of space composition in circular villages in concepts of "jutai kozo (circular belt structure)"and "bunsetsu kozo (divided structure)."Chapter 2 discusses analysis of on what process these structures were established based on actual examples. Chapter 3 concludes that "bunsetsu kozo"suggests a social structure of "descent group who succeeds right to become a member over generations based on a clear recognition of lineage."
Part 111: Ecological Theory analyzes territories of Jomon villages including circular village ecologically. It consists of three chapters. Chapter I tries to examine aspects of settlement systems as a territorial activity of Jomon society. Chapter 2 attempts to interpret ecological conditions of circular villages in relation with population density, taking study subjects in time and space from southwestern Kanto, specifically examples of Tama New Town and Kohoku New Town sites. Chapter 3 tries to solve the sphere of territory that has circular villages in the center as a foothold, by applying a geographical method of "Thisessen polygon."
Part IV, Social Evolution Theory discusses structural changes of the Jomon society in terms of "social evolution." Chapter I regards construction of group tombs recognized in early Jomon villages, which was the formation phase of circular villages, as a sign of the emergence of the foothold village. Chapter 2 understands the historical meaning of the formation and development of circular villages as a change in social structure triggered by population density and territorial structure" and discussed the process of social evolution of "band, tribe, and chiefdom" in comparison with changes in Jomon society. Thus, this book is a compilation of the author's energetic work on the Jomon period settlement study, and it is expected that future Jomon settlement study will deepen further through this book.